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The emperor Nero is etched into the Western imagination as one of ancient Rome's most infamous villains, and Tacitus' Annals have played a central role in shaping the mainstream historiographical understanding of this flamboyant autocrat. This section of the text plunges us straight into the moral cesspool that Rome had apparently become in the later years of Nero's reign, chronicling the emperor's fledgling stage career including his plans for a grand tour of Greece; his participation in a city-wide orgy climaxing in his publicly consummated 'marriage' to his toy boy Pythagoras; the great fire of AD 64, during which large parts of central Rome went up in flames; and the rising of Nero's 'grotesque' new palace, the so-called 'Golden House', from the ashes of the city. This building project stoked the rumours that the emperor himself was behind the conflagration, and Tacitus goes on to present us with Nero's gruesome efforts to quell these mutterings by scapegoating and executing members of an unpopular new cult then starting to spread through the Roman empire: Christianity. All this contrasts starkly with four chapters focusing on one of Nero's most principled opponents, the Stoic senator Thrasea Paetus, an audacious figure of moral fibre, who courageously refuses to bend to the forces of imperial corruption and hypocrisy. This course book offers a portion of the original Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and a commentary. Designed to stretch and stimulate readers, Owen's and Gildenhard's incisive commentary will be of particular interest to students of Latin at both A2 and undergraduate level. It extends beyond detailed linguistic analysis and historical background to encourage critical engagement with Tacitus' prose and discussion of the most recent scholarly thought.

SummaryS. Litovchenko. The Armenian Embassy of Publius ClodiusIn his letters, Cicero says that in the first half of 59 BC representatives of the «first triumvirate» intended to send Publius Clodius, who had just passed from the patricians to the plebeians, to the embassy to Tigranes II the Great. Most of the researchers, based on reports of Cicero, claimed that the embassy did not have a major foreign policy values and Clodius refused to participate in it because of the fact that the trip was absolutely humiliating. But the analysis of the political situation in Rome suggests that the embassy had a large enough value for the foreign policy of the Roman — Roman ambassadors were to tell Tigranes II to grant him the status of "friend and ally of Rome." Refusal to participate in Claudia embassy was not due to its insignificance, this refusal can be explained by the inability of Publius Clodius to participate in the elections of plebeian's tribunes for the next 58 BC.Key words: Rome, Tigranes II, Cicero, Publius Clodius, Armenia.

SummaryS. Litovchenko. The Armenian Embassy of Publius ClodiusIn his letters, Cicero says that in the first half of 59 BC representatives of the «first triumvirate» intended to send Publius Clodius, who had just passed from the patricians to the plebeians, to the embassy to Tigranes II the Great. Most of the researchers, based on reports of Cicero, claimed that the embassy did not have a major foreign policy values and Clodius refused to participate in it because of the fact that the trip was absolutely humiliating. But the analysis of the political situation in Rome suggests that the embassy had a large enough value for the foreign policy of the Roman — Roman ambassadors were to tell Tigranes II to grant him the status of "friend and ally of Rome." Refusal to participate in Claudia embassy was not due to its insignificance, this refusal can be explained by the inability of Publius Clodius to participate in the elections of plebeian's tribunes for the next 58 BC.Key words: Rome, Tigranes II, Cicero, Publius Clodius, Armenia.

En el año 58 a.C. Publio Clodio, por entones tribuno de la plebe, logró la aprobación de un significativo número de proyectos legislativos de profundo alcance social y político para el Estado romano. Entre las leyes promovidas por el tribuno se encontraba una lex de collegiis que devolvía a la legalidad a los collegia de la ciudad de Roma, abolidos pocos años antes por el Senado. Los nuevos collegia revividos o creados al amparo de esta ley constituirán un factor de gran importancia en el juego político de toda la década de los cincuenta, por su alta capacidad de presión e influencia en las asambleas y los comicios. ¿Qué eran en realidad estos collegia? ¿A qué niveles funcionaban? ¿Qué unía a sus miembros? ¿Qué influencia real ejerció Publio Clodio sobre ellos una vez lograda su reinstauración? El objetivo del presente trabajo es el análisis de estos grupos urbanos como entidades de solidaridad mutua, posiblemente más complejos que simples sindicatos de artesanos o cofradías religiosas, para abordar desde una nueva perspectiva antropológica e histórica el estudio de las fuentes que, de forma mayoritaria, nos presentan estos colectivos como asociaciones de delincuentes, libertos e incluso esclavos.During the year 58 B.C. Publius Clodius, by then tribunus plebis, managed to pass a considerable number of legislative proyects with a broad social and political reach for the Roman State. Among the laws promoted by the tribune we find a lex de collegiis that restores the legal status to the collegia of Rome, abolished a few years before by the Senate. The new collegia created under this law will comprise a determining factor in political life of the fifties because of their influence in the assemblies and the comitia. ¿What were actually these collegia? ¿What were the common interest for their members? ¿Which factual influence did Publius Clodius have on collegia once the law was passed? The main point of this paper is the analysis of these urban groups as entities of mutual solidarity, probably more complex than craftsman's unions or religious brotherhoods, in order to study them from a new anthropological and historical perspective.

Este artículo versa sobre la transcripción griega de los nombres latinos Claudio y Clodio en la Vida de Lúpulo de Plutarco, nuevamente traducida al castellano en la Biblioteca Clásica Gredos, y propone diversas reflexiones sobre traductología dirigidas al traductor de lenguas clásicas. Las distintas grafías del nomen Claudius, que reflejaban la pronunciación culta y popular, fueron usadas en la época de la última República para significar diferencias políticas entre los miembros de una misma familia, los Pulcher. Sin embargo, en los escritos de Plutarco, una de las fuentes para la información biográfica de los miembros de esta familia, esta divergencia fonética –y a la vez política– ha creado ciertas ambigüedades que se han prolongado en las traducciones modernas de las Vidas paralelas (inglesas, francesas, alemanas, italianas, catalanas y castellanas). Es el objetivo de este artículo, a caballo entre los estudios de filología griega y la teoría de la traducción, es aclarar tales vacilaciones y proponer una manera de afrontarlas en la práctica de la traducción. ; This paper deals with the Greek transcription of Latin names Claudius and Clodius in the Life of Lucullus by Plutarch, recently translated into Spanish in Gredos Classical Library, and considers several options for translators of Classical languages when facing problems of ambiguity. Two different ways of writing nomen Claudius, which pointed out both learned and popular pronunciation, were used by the time of the late Roman Republic signifying also political differences between the members of that family, the Pulcher. However, in Plutarch's writings, one of the sources for biographical information about the members of this family, such difference, both phonetical and political, has created some ambiguities that have survived in modern translations of the Parallel Lives (into English, French, German, Italian, Catalan and Spanish). The aim of this paper, between the fields of Greek Philology and Translation Studies, is to clarify such variations and to propose a way to face them in the practice of translation.

In questo contributo si analizzano le figure di Clodia e di Fulvia. La loro rappresentazione è antitetica, nella quasi totalità delle fonti letterarie, al tradizionale modello della matrona ideale, che risale alle origini della repubblica romana. Clodia, sorella del tribuno della plebe Publio Clodio Pulcro, è amata dal poeta Catullo ed è accusata di essere una prostituta dall'avvocato Cicerone. Fulvia, moglie dello stesso Publio Clodio Pulcro e di Marco Antonio, è criticata dai suoi detrattori per avere indebitamente occupato uno spazio politico, tradizionalmente inibito alle donne romane. È indubitabile che queste due donne aristocratiche sono state in grado di approfittare degli spazi che la realtà politica e sociale della seconda metà del I sec. a.C. concedeva alle donne, ma il loro ritratto è sempre e comunque condizionato dalle figure maschili di riferimento, senza le quali sarebbero prive di un'autonoma rappresentazione storiografica. ; This paper analyses the figures of Clodia and Fulvia. Their representation is antithetical, in almost all of the literary sources, to the traditional model of the ideal matrona, which dates back to the origins of the Roman Republic. Clodia, sister of the tribune of the plebs Publius Clodius Pulcher, is loved by the poet Catullus and is accused of being a prostitute by the lawyer Cicero. Fulvia, Publius Clodius Pulcher and Mark Antony's wife, is criticised by her opponents for having unduly occupied a political space, from which Roman women were traditionally banned. There is no doubt that these two aristocratic women were able to take advantage of the spaces granted women by the political and social context of the second half of the first century BC granted women, but their portrayal is always conditioned by the male figures of reference, without whom they would have been deprived of an autonomous historiographic representation. ; En este artículo se analizan las figuras de Clodia y Fulvia. Su representación es la antítesis, en casi todas las fuentes literarias, del modelo tradicional de la matrona ideal datada en los orígenes de la República Romana. Clodia, hermana del tribuno de la plebe Publio Clodio Pulcro, es amada por el poeta Catulo y acusada por el abogado Cicerón de ser una prostituta. Fulvia, esposa del mismo Publio Clodio Pulcro y de Marco Antonio, es criticada por sus adversarios por haber ocupado un espacio público, tradicionalmente prohibido a las mujeres romanas. Es indudable que estas dos mujeres aristócratas tuvieran la posibilidad de aprovechar el espacio que el contexto social y político de la segunda mitad del siglo I a.C. concedía a las mujeres. Sin embargo, su representación está siempre condicionada por las figuras de referencia masculinas, sin las cuales estarían privadas de una representación historiográfica autónoma.

In questo contributo si analizzano le figure di Clodia e di Fulvia. La loro rappresentazione è antitetica, nella quasi totalità delle fonti letterarie, al tradizionale modello della matrona ideale, che risale alle origini della repubblica romana. Clodia, sorella del tribuno della plebe Publio Clodio Pulcro, è amata dal poeta Catullo ed è accusata di essere una prostituta dall'avvocato Cicerone. Fulvia, moglie dello stesso Publio Clodio Pulcro e di Marco Antonio, è criticata dai suoi detrattori per avere indebitamente occupato uno spazio politico, tradizionalmente inibito alle donne romane. È indubitabile che queste due donne aristocratiche sono state in grado di approfittare degli spazi che la realtà politica e sociale della seconda metà del I sec. a.C. concedeva alle donne, ma il loro ritratto è sempre e comunque condizionato dalle figure maschili di riferimento, senza le quali sarebbero prive di un'autonoma rappresentazione storiografica. ; En este artículo se analizan las figuras de Clodia y Fulvia. Su representación es la antítesis, en casi todas las fuentes literarias, del modelo tradicional de la matrona ideal datada en los orígenes de la República Romana. Clodia, hermana del tribuno de la plebe Publio Clodio Pulcro, es amada por el poeta Catulo y acusada por el abogado Cicerón de ser una prostituta. Fulvia, esposa del mismo Publio Clodio Pulcro y de Marco Antonio, es criticada por sus adversarios por haber ocupado un espacio público, tradicionalmente prohibido a las mujeres romanas. Es indudable que estas dos mujeres aristócratas tuvieran la posibilidad de aprovechar el espacio que el contexto social y político de la segunda mitad del siglo I a.C. concedía a las mujeres. Sin embargo, su representación está siempre condicionada por las figuras de referencia masculinas, sin las cuales estarían privadas de una representación historiográfica autónoma. ; This paper analyses the figures of Clodia and Fulvia. Their representation is antithetical, in almost all of the literary sources, to the traditional model of the ideal matrona, which dates back to the origins of the Roman Republic. Clodia, sister of the tribune of the plebs Publius Clodius Pulcher, is loved by the poet Catullus and is accused of being a prostitute by the lawyer Cicero. Fulvia, Publius Clodius Pulcher and Mark Antony's wife, is criticised by her opponents for having unduly occupied a political space, from which Roman women were traditionally banned. There is no doubt that these two aristocratic women were able to take advantage of the spaces granted women by the political and social context of the second half of the first century BC granted women, but their portrayal is always conditioned by the male figures of reference, without whom they would have been deprived of an autonomous historiographic representation.